The problems with the First Past the Post system are well-known and well-rehearsed. The main issue is that a candidate can win with a tiny overall share of the vote, if the opposition is split. The more competition, in fact, the fewer votes you need to win. One of the features of FPTP is that it magnifies slight advantages, leading to a point that, well, as we saw in this yearās election, the winning party can win more than half the seats on only around a third of the vote. For all the talk of hung parliaments and minority governments, the result in 2010 was a fluke, like a coin landing on its side, and the chance of it happening again was always remote. FPTP wasnāt ādesignedā to create majority governments out of not very much, but itās always tended to. John McCain was crushed and humiliated by Barack Obama in the US Presidential election of 2004, but got a higher share of the vote than Tony Blairās Labour Party when it won its massive 1997 landslide in the UK.
The alternative system on offer, though, was soundly rejected in a referendum nearly five years ago. This was AV, and something like it is used in a number of places around the world. The basic principle is that you vote for someone, but you register a second preference. If all goes to plan, the āwinnerā is someone acceptable to most people who voted.
Psephologists have spent a great deal of time talking through the pros and cons of AV. The arguments tended to be dry and technical. What Iāve not seen discussed very often is that a big problem with AV is that itās based on the premise that the problem with current British politics is that there are just so many great parties and candidates that itās really unfair to expect people to pick just one.
Is that how things feel to you? If you just voted in the UK elections, did you stand with your pen poised thinking it was so hard choosing between so many awesome, talented and inspirational candidates, and somehow deeply unjust that you only got to vote once? Did you think āgosh, I wish I had two votes, here, this is like trying to pick between Sgt Pepper and Revolver?ā
I humbly suggest that the ballot paper did not resemble the dessert menu at the Ritz, and that instead you went: āSeriously? In a country of sixty four million people, this shower is the best we can do?ā That looking at the potential Prime Ministers ā there were two ā that your reaction wasnāt āmy god, Ed and Dave are both titans among menā and you probably didnāt watch the televised Leadersā Debate, and conclude āI firmly believe every one of those people could lead the country to a new golden ageā.
You donāt have to outrace the lion in a British general election, do you? To win, David Cameron had to look more Prime Ministerial than Ed Miliband. This is an almost proverbially easy task. In fact, I suggest that from now on we use the āmilibandā as a unit of measurement for whether a candidate has reached the absolute minimum level of viability. Think of it as a line on a graph, and if youāre above that line, you can be treated as a serious candidate because you are at least ānot unelectableā. Use it in a sentence as you might use ārubiconā or ājump the sharkā. āAndy Burnham obviously crosses the miliband, but does he have what he takes to win in Scotland?ā; āJeb Bushās statements on Iraq this week have left people wondering if heās sinking below the milibandā; āthe televised debate will include all the candidates above the milibandā.
So whatās the solution? Hereās my proposal, a system I call āAV Minusā.
- 1. A voter gets two votes.
- 2. As now, they place an X next to the candidate they want.
- 3. As with AV, they also place a second vote. This, though, they mark āFOā, and this stands for āFOrgive me, sir or madam, Iām sure you are a lovely person, but I do not wish you to represent me in the House of Commonsā.
- 4. Candidates get one vote added for every X, and one vote taken off for every FO. The winner of the election is simply the candidate with the highest net total of votes.
- 5. Hereās the best bit: when the returning officer declares the result, he turns to the candidate with the most FOs, raises two fingers at him and snarls āFUCK. OFFā. That person then has to walk out of the hall, like the losing contestant on The Weakest Link.
See? Itās brilliant, isnāt it?
Consider the following scenarios:
- 1. You are a Labour supporter in a constituency where the Conservatives are ahead, but UKIP are nipping at their heels. Labour are a close third, but you really, really donāt want UKIP to win. Under FPTP, you have to vote Tory. Under AV-, you can vote Labour and go FO UKIP. The Tory may still win, but you wouldnāt have voted for them. And there may be scenarios, in fact, where the UKIP and the Tories FO each other to such an extent that Labour win.
- 2. Youāre a Tory in Wales. No, you actually live there, youāre not on holiday. It happens. Youāre resigned to the fact your lot wonāt win, but you donāt want Labour to win. But theyāve got a massive majority in your constituency ⦠well, you can vote tactically: vote for whoeverās second and FO the Labour candidate. Thatās basically two votes against Labour.
- 3. You really, really hate Tories or the SNP. Youāre indifferent about who wins, as long as itās not them.
- 4. George Galloway. I mean, seriously. Shouldnāt there be a constitutional mechanism that lets us tell him to fuck off?
It is possible, of course, to get the most FOs with this system but still win the election. This isnāt a problem ā the MP knows that they won, but also that a great swathe of his constituents actively loathe him.
The only downside I see is that people might forget to put down the X, or that they might just endlessly find themselves scrawling FO next to all the candidates. Or that joke candidates might seek la lanterne rouge.
We are in an era of British politics where the electorate need a degree of damage control. We need to be able to say āno, not himā. Instead of the rather grubby spectacle we saw this time of parties saying āvote for us, that way you wonāt be voting for themā, you can vote against someone without endorsing their rival.
Tony Benn always used to say that the mark of a good electoral system wasnāt that it allowed you to vote someone in, it was that it allowed you to vote them out. That has always been the problems with AV, AV+, PR and related proposed reforms ā theyāve always been set up in a way that would create mushy coalitions, fosters a lukewarm centrism. Thereās that old joke ādonāt vote, it only encourages themā ā well, AV Minus squares that circle, allows you to go āfor godās sake, not himā. And, in the end, donāt we want an electoral system that creates stable governments and humiliates wankers?
